Wednesday 3 November 2010

Utopia on skulls


At the beginning of last month fifty-eight year old Verena Becker appeared in court in Stuttgart, charged as an accomplice in the murder over thirty years ago of Siegfried Buback, then Germany’s prosecutor-general, in a drive-by shooting. Becker, if you have never heard of her, was once a member of a collection of terrorist fanatics generally known as the Baader-Meinhof Group, after the two principal leaders, though they preferred to call themselves the Rote Armee Fraktion – Red Army Faction – or the RAF.

These people had declared war on what was then the Federal Republic of Germany, Buback being a prime target, an agent of the ‘fascist’ state. The fact that Buback’s driver was also killed probably counted, if it counted for anything at all, as a terrorist version of ‘collateral damage.’

Becker and her crowd were part of a generation now known in Germany as the Achtundzechzigers – the 68ers – the student cohort of 1968, born to put the world to rights, born to compel their parents – the Auschwitz generation- to face the facts of their past, to face the fact that Germany had not been liberated at all in 1945, that the Federal Republic was not a true democracy merely a continuation of the Hitler state.

Knowing nothing about Becker and next to nothing about German urban terrorism I’ve had a quick and enlightening trot through Utopia or Auschwitz; Germany’s 1968 Generation and the Holocaust by Hans Kundani, a London-based journalist. It’s quite a tale, a story of political pathology, intellectual delusion and sophistry of the most tortured kind imaginable. For me it simply confirmed something that I had long deduced: that when it comes to the supposed lessons of history nobody is more deluded or capable of self-delusion than those on the political left.

I say left but it in the end it’s impossible to determine where these people, the generation of 68, belong other than in a kind of bedlam. They started off with a radical Marxist agenda but there were always undertones of distinct forms of German nationalism, allowing them to perceive the United States as an occupying power in the West as the Soviets were in the East. They began in criticising Nazism with attitudes, outlooks and practices that were distinctly Nazi. They began to upholding Auschwitz as a symbol of absolute evil only to relativise it, placing it alongside the bombing of German cities and the sufferings of the Palestinian people, before, in some cases, wishing to forget it altogether, or even denying that it happened at all.

Yes, that was another of their favoured causes, Palestine in the wake of the Six Day War, an event that transformed Jews and Israel from history’s victims to history’s perpetrators. In an article published in The New Republic in August 2001 Paul Berman put it thus: “To the West German students Israel became the crypto-Nazi state par excellence, the purest of all examples of how Nazism had never been defeated but instead lingered into the present in ever more cagey forms.”

It certainly did, not in Israel, not in the German State, but in people like Becker, people that Jurgen Habermas, once the doyen of radical thought in Germany, described as ‘left-wing fascists.’ The anti-Semitism was, of course, disguised in the usual dishonest way as ‘anti-Zionism’, a wholly enlightened process that saw a ‘selection’ of Jews by some 68ers following the Entebbe hijacking, that saw a bomb planted in a Berlin synagogue on 9 November 1969, which just happened to be the anniversary of Kristallnacht. Horst Mahler, an RAF activist who supported the murder of Israeli athletes in Munich in 1972, is a Nazi. No, that’s not an insult; he is a leading neo-Nazi, currently in prison for using the Hitler salute and Holocaust denial, both of which are crimes in Germany.

It went on, the tortuous delusions went on, specifically in the sporadic murder campaign of the RAF, a substitute for action by the proletarian masses, ever immersed in ‘false consciousness’, who had to be shown how things were done, how things were to be done, how the inconvenient were to be done away with.

Becker’s trial will doubtless draw a curtain on one of the most shameful periods, on one of the most shameful generations, in German history, the real children of Hitler, people who saw murder as a means to an end, utopia on skulls. It seems to me that the capacity of power to corrupt is not nearly as great as that of idealism.

12 comments:

  1. This comment has been removed by the author.

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  2. What they lacked was any kind of practical political or philosophical anchor.

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  3. This comment has been removed by the author.

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  4. World War 3 - the Cold War - was conducted on many levels, in many places, under many names. So protean was the struggle that many of us question whether it is over yet, or merely transformed once again. When I compare it to the Crusades, to the Hundred Years War, or the Thirty Years War, it seems to me that such ideological struggles cannot end until changing events render the old world views meaningless.

    One truth about all terrorists: they have enormous egos. They invariably believe they are specially chosen to change the world via some extraordinary memorable act. The pitiable truth is that murdering innocents to underline a point of disagreement is as mundane and effective as a two-year-old throwing its toys.

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  5. The Third Reich was a bulwark against the Bolshevics destroyed by Zionists . History is portrayed by the victors to their tilt.

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  6. Calvin, oh, the Third World War was fought and won. If anything we are in the early stages of a Fourth World War.

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  7. Anthony, the Third Reich was destroyed by its own stupidity, specifically that of Hitler.

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  8. This trial will certainly draw a curtain on the remaining of the RAF, but not on this ideology. There are other radical German movements on the pipeline. There are other Verena Beckers to come. The autonomes (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Autonome) are getting active every now and then. They also seem to believe that they have to save Germany and that they are above any moral constrains.

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  9. Jean Paul, that is something that Kundani did not mention in his book, which took matters right up to the threshold of the present day. Thank you so much for this information and that link, something else to look into.

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  10. I was in undergrad when last I read Habermaas (I doubt I had the maturity to really consider his arguments at that age, especially when I was reading him alongside the more flamboyant Foucault) but I am well-aware of what he means by "left-wing fascists."

    I have dug into the history of the RAF beyond the recent film, The Baader-Meinhoff Complex, a few articles, and some pop-culture marginalia. However, one thing I have taken away from what I've learned thus far is that despite their self-image as anti-fascists, they really just continued the tradition of street-level-violence-as-political-romance which is central to to fascism-- as well as the traditional antisemitism.

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  11. Ian, indeed they did. I think you would find this book highly illuminating.

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