I recently watched on BBC iPlayer the third part of Simon
Schama’s interesting documentary on the history of Britain , though this particular
instalment was entirely devoted to English affairs. Specifically it
focused on the turbulent relationship between Henry II and Thomas Becket,
Chancellor of England, Archbishop of Canterbury and eventual saint.
I admire Schama, a reasonably decent telly historian.
Unfortunately the telly history format inevitably lends itself to silly sound
bites and glib judgements. There was one point in the narrative where the
glibness was beyond silly. It came in the aftermath of the infamous 1170
murder of Archbishop Becket in Canterbury Cathedral.
“All our modern instincts”, the historian said, “seem to
say, oh, come on, look at Henry and you find reality; the guardian of the
common law, the engineer of government, the smasher of anarchy…and you’d be
quite wrong. Becket, headstrong, infuriating, over the top theatrical
Becket made a huge difference. His view of the church lasted; the Angevin
Empire did not.”
Alas, Mister Schama, it is you who are quite wrong, blindingly
so! Yes, of course, the Angevin Empire, that collection of dynastic
estates that stretched from England ’s
northern border all the way south to the Pyrenees ,
is long gone, but so, too, is Becket’s view of the church. It was Henry’s
view that prevailed, not that of the arrogant archbishop.
Let’s be clear about what we are dealing with here.
Oh, how I resent the skewed view of English history that over amplifies the
eighth Henry over the second, a figure now virtually unknown aside from his
relationship with Becket. Henry was, in my estimation anyway, the most
significant king in English history. He was not so much the guardian as
the architect of our common law. He was certainly the great engineer of
government and the smasher of anarchy.
And now Becket, what did he represent exactly? It’s
best that you free your mind from any notion that the twelfth century struggle
between crown and mitre was over any deep principle of faith; that it
represented a desire for religious freedom over state power. It did
not.
For Becket martyrdom was the ultimate goal, the ultimate
political gesture. It certainly secured the ‘liberty’ of the church for
centuries after his death – though at the cost of a growing national mood of
anti-clericalism - until another Henry appeared. Becket, as a saint, may
have been a heavenly success but in the long run his cause was an earthly
failure. He most assuredly did not make a huge difference. In the
end his shrine, along with his principles, vanished in the Reformation.
Even Charles I, the only Anglican martyr, who also sacrificed himself on a
point of religious principle, considered him a traitor.
Bullying and brutal Henry may have been, but he was simply
trying to redress a balance, strengthening a state that had lost so much ground
during the Anarchy of Stephen and Matilda. An over-mighty church was as
bad as an over-mighty subject. Becket, the great commoner, had the
misfortune to combine both dangers. He may have been a good subject of
the Pope, but he was a bad subject of the king. Becket, if you like,
represented an extraterritorial power. Henry represented England .













