Showing posts with label mugabe. Show all posts
Showing posts with label mugabe. Show all posts

Sunday, 8 July 2012

The Masque of Mugabe


Let me take you back to seventeenth century England.  Here we are, in the year 1647, to be exact.  The Civil War between King and Parliament is over, with a victory for the latter, except that it was a victory that was no victory.  The laws of the land have been flattened, the constitution wrecked.  We are in a political vacuum into which all sorts of ideas are drawn.  One idea is universal manhood suffrage.

Now we are in Putney, the headquarters of the New Model Army, rapidly turning into the power brokers of the nation. These are the men who defeated the king in battle.  Now some of them, the most radical, want a political reward for their efforts.  A series of debates are held concerning the future shape of the constitution. 

The grandees, headed by Oliver Cromwell and Henry Ireton, his son-in-law, are shocked by a one man one vote suggestion.  So far as Ireton is concerned this is not next door to anarchy; it is anarchy.  No man, as he put it, has a right to a share in disposing of the affairs of the kingdom if he does not have a permanent fixed interest in the kingdom.  That is to say, if he does not have any property.  Voting, in such circumstances, would lead to chaos. 

Where do I stand in the debate?  To begin with, as a woman, I don’t count.  Even the most radical of the Levellers did not consider the prospect of universal suffrage.  But notwithstanding this, and taking on a manly guise, I am on the side of Ireton.  A rapid extension of the suffrage at this stage in England’s history would have been disastrous.  It would indeed have resulted in anarchy, urged on by the demagoguery of the age. 

Now we are back in the present day.  To suggest that democracy might equal anarchy is a rarefied and heterodox opinion.  There is no place now for the likes of Henry Ireton.  But he was quite right: in certain circumstances mass suffrage is disastrous; mass suffrage can lead to the destruction of a nation, given into the hands of ruthless demagogues.  Mass suffrage turned the Eden of Rhodesia into the Hades of Zimbabwe.

Now I’m in really dangerous territory.  Racist, fascist, imperialist, the cry rises.  How could anyone suggest that a white minority government was better than black majority rule?  But the suggestion has been made, and not just by me.  “It would have been better if whites had continued to rule because the money would have continued to come”, said one man, “It was better under Rhodesia.  Then we could get jobs.  Things were cheaper in stores.  Now we have no money, no food.”

Oh, an unregenerate old white racist, you might conclude, nostalgic for a vanished past.  Nostalgic, certainly, but this ‘racist’ happens to be black, one of many yearning for a nation competently managed by a tiny white elite rather than destroyed and oppressed by a tiny black elite.  For years now the modern Levellers have been at work, levelling Zimbabwe to the dust. 

My thoughts here were brought on by a piece in Taki’s Magazine (Thanks, Calvin!)  Headed One Man, One Vote, One Catastrophe, it’s by Hannes Wessels, born a white Rhodesian and transformed into a displaced Zimbabwean.  For some that will be enough to discount what he has to say, those who are generally blind to uncomfortable facts.  I’m guessing that these will be white liberals in the main, rather than the ordinary people of Zimbabwe, like the man quoted above, suffering under black ‘majority’ rule.  Actually, and paradoxically, the real racists are those who weigh such questions in terms of colour.  It’s alright to be oppressed just so long as the oppressors have the same complexion as the oppressed.

Wessels points out that Ian Smith, the one and only prime minister of independent Rhodesia, tried to tell the world that universal suffrage at that stage in the country’s history was the door to disaster.  Instead he called, like a modern Henry Ireton, for a qualified franchise based on merit not race.  Democracy could not be rushed in a place with no concept of the practice, where the majority had no understanding of the complexities involved.  Political maturity takes time. 

But the world would not listen.  Urged on by one brutal black dictator after another, with no sense of the irony involved, the world condemned Rhodesia and Smith; the BBC condemned him in its uniquely unreflective way.  Unable to withstand the pressure, Smith gave way.  The result was the flawed 1980 election, which brought Robert Mugabe and a coterie of criminal gangsters, masquerading as ‘freedom fighters,’ to power.  They have been there ever since, displacing whites and brutalising blacks.  Rhodesia died but so, too, did Zimbabwe, a protracted and painful process.

Wessels article is not simply a reflection on past disasters.  It contains a warning;

Now many Americans and Europeans are having to confront the same paradigm. As the demographic winds of change blow stronger, the number of illiterates and itinerants grows at an alarming rate. Those that contribute the least to the common good seem set to seize and retain power at the expense of the minority that contributes the most. All this is thanks to the seemingly sacrosanct principle of “one man, one vote.” But just as in Rhodesia, that minority dares not voice its displeasure at this development for fear of being condemned to the special dungeons reserved for those committing the cardinal sin of “racism.” And they can be sure of this punishment because of the mainstream media, which so cunningly manipulates the minds of the millions of simpletons who have the vote and therefore the power to elect those who will serve their destructive purpose.

Let me bring Henry Ireton back to life.  There he is, looking over the sad wreckage of Zimbabwe, looking at the anarchy brought on by ‘democracy.’  There he is, sadly nodding, seeing his past fears given present form.  He might very well meet murder on the way; he wears a masque like Mugabe.  


Saturday, 16 May 2009

WaBenzi: Mugabe and the Destruction of Zimbabwe


Sub-Saharan Africa is a huge place, and there are indeed tragic examples where colonial history has had the direst of consequences, economically and politically: Mozambique and Angola spring to mind, countries all but destroyed by war and civil war. However, Africa is also a great continent, with a great and energetic people, badly served by its politicians. How long are we to forward the excuse of colonialism as a justification-and it has become a justification-for backwardness and the sheer failure of potential?

Take the example, if you will, of the Republic of Ireland, which had an experience of colonialism far older and of land expropriation far more severe than the least fortunate of the African colonies. Although free for almost a hundred years now it was dominated for decades after independence by a reactionary Church hierarchy. Despite this, its transformation over the past twenty years or so into one of the most dynamic of European economies and societies is especially worthy of note, particularly when the country possesses little in the way of natural resources. I wish I could see similar signs of renaissance and resurgence in Africa; but I can not.

There is a word in Swahili which explains the plight of Africa far better than outdated notions of imperialism: it is WaBenzi, meaning boss or, better still, big shot. The WaBenzi, the undeclared tribe which crosses all borders, is, in my estimation, by far the greatest of Africa's misfortunes.

Take the example of Malawi. In 2000, following the death of Hastings Banda, the former dictatorial president, the British government increased aid to the country by some £20 million. The WaBenzi promptly celebrated by spending almost £2 million, yes, £2 million, on a fleet of 39 S-class Mercedes, in a country where the roads are hardly fit for carts.

Take one more example. In 2002 Mwai Kibaki came to power in Kenya on an anti-corruption platform, announcing that Corruption will now cease as a way of life in Kenya. The very fist law passed by the new Parliament was to increase politicians' salaries by over 170%, to about £65,000pa ($125,000). Beyond this, each MP was awarded a package of allowances, including a grant of £23,600 to buy a duty free car, all in a country where the average per capita income is £210 ($406) per annum.

I could go on like this, but it's really too depressing. You will find all of the details of these examples and more in How African leaders spend our money, an article by Aidan Hartley, published in the London edition of The Spectator in June 2005.

I have visited several African countries, and I love the people and the place. But we have to stop making excuses for failure, to stop draping history around the necks of Africans as a catch-all explanation for their perceived shortcomings. If Africa is to move forward we need to understand the real causes of failure; and these are far closer to home.

Much too much is made of the deleterious effects of imperialism in explaining the failure of many modern African states. India, Malaysia, and Singapore were all under British control, but this has not hampered the development of modern economies and mature political structures. In Africa imperialism has become a crutch, intended to explain and excuse failure. In many countries corruption has become the dominant mode of political exchange. Imperialism did not destroy Zimbabwe: Robert Mugabe did