The day after I left for Tunisia Eric Hobsbawm died. A
former professor at Birkbeck College , he was ‘Britain ’s best known Marxist
historian’. I suppose he must have been; it said so in the Guardian,
though just how many outside the common rooms and beyond the chattering classes
knew of this ghastly old fraud is open to question. Now you
have a flavour of what is to follow. Read no further if you think it a
sin to speak ill of the dead, for I am about to speak ill; Ana’s silver hammer
is about to fall upon Hobsbawm’s head!
For me his passing really does mark the end of a political
Cretaceous period. He was the last Stalinist, the last of the ideological
dinosaurs who corrupted intellectual life in this country for so many decades.
I’m rather glad I was away, missing some of the more nauseating tributes,
including one from Ed Miliband at the Labour Party conference, where he was
described as “an extraordinary historian, a man passionate about his politics
and a great friend of my family.” Hmm, yes, I take this as a measure of
the Milibands. If you do not already know that measure you will before I
have finished.
He was also lauded by the BBC, no surprise there, in that
Hobsbawm might be said to have defined a large part of the Corporation’s
political and intellectual outlook in much the same way that the creepy Jimmy
Savile defined its subterranean sexual morals.
I was disappointed, though, to note that praise also came
from Niall Ferguson, a right-wing historian for whom I hitherto had
considerable respect. He was rash enough to describe Hobsbawm’s cycle of
books beginning with The Age of Revolution, 1789-1848 as “the best introduction
to modern world history in the English language.” What utter rot!
Has he actually read these awful, badly written ideological apologetics, I have
to ask? Either he has completely failed to understand the falsity here
or, like so many others, has descended into abject hypocrisy.
Let me give you this scenario. Nick Griffin, leader of
the British National Party - no friend of the Milibands - has taken part in an
in-depth television interview. In the course of this he was asked one key
question – if Hitler had achieved the radiant future he promised would this
have justified the murder of six million Jews? He answers in one word:
yes.
Now just imagine the perfect storm that would follow, just
imagine the ostracism and the denunciations. Of course it never happened;
it’s a fiction. It is no fiction that Hobsbawm was asked a similar
question by Michael Ignatieff in an 1994 interview, namely, if the “radiant
tomorrow” had actually been created in the Soviet Union would the death of 15
or 20 million people have been justified? Yes, came the reply. Was
there a storm, was he ostracised and denounced? No; instead Tony Blair
made him a Companion of Honour in 1998.
Hobsbawm remained loyal to his murderous political passions
all of his life. He became a Communist at an early age while living in Germany at the
beginning of the 1930s. In another interview, perhaps more revealing than
he ever intended, he said he joined the Communist Party partly because he was
Jewish - “if I hadn’t been, I might well have become a Nazi in those
circumstances.” In a deeper sense he did: that sense in which both Nazism
and Communism have a similar view of the value of human life.
Unfortunately for us he came to Britain before Hitler took power,
though he always held this country, its people, its politics and its
institutions in contempt. Fortunately for him he did not go to the Soviet Union , his ideological motherland. If he had, as a foreigner, an intellectual and a Jew he is unlikely to have survived
Stalin’s purges.
Hobsbawm was a traitor in spirit. A member of the
Cambridge Apostles in the 1930s, it may very well be proved at some future
point that he was also a traitor in deed. His treason in word began
early. A supporter of the 1939 Nazi-Soviet Pact, he co-authored a
pamphlet defending the Soviet attack on Finland ,
saying that Stalin was merely trying to protect Russia “from an invasion by British
imperialists.”
There is another irony here. Let’s assume that this
defender of the Nazi-Soviet pact had gone to the Soviet
Union instead of taking advantage of British liberty, including
the liberty to write laughable twaddle. Let’s say that, by some miracle,
he had survived the Great Purge, no doubt by lauding Stalin and denouncing
others. Well, then, that same Pact would almost certainly have finished
him. For Stalin, as a gesture of friendship and goodwill, was delighted
to hand German Communist exiles over to the Nazis.
Instead Hobsbawm became the prime example of the idiocy and
bad faith of the British left. He became a prime example of the alienated
intellectual who, as George Orwell noted, took their cookery from Paris and their opinions from Moscow . He became a prime example of
the polysyllable-spewing Stalinist that Orwell identified in The Road to Wigan
Pier and elsewhere. The crushing of Hungarian freedom came in 1956;
others left the Communist Party; Hobsbawm remained. The crushing of the
Prague Spring came in 1968; others left the Communist Party; Hobsbawm remained.
As Soviet Communism grew senile and sclerotic he grew senile and
sclerotic with it.
Hobsbawm, incidentally, was in the habit of referring to
Orwell as the “upper-class Englishman Eric Blair.” Englishman he
certainly was; upper-class he certainly was not. What marks Orwell out
was his decency and his honesty, his contempt for the forms of abject power
worship embraced by the likes of Hobsbawm, full of contempt for people while
full of love for the Masses.
In the end the Hobsbawm disease is reducible to one thing:
the cancer of abstraction. He remained loyal to the ‘ideals’ of the
Russian Revolution, even after those same ‘ideals’ descended to a murderous
practice time and time and time again. But the grand illusion actually
goes deeper; it goes as deep as Rousseau and the French Revolution.
The Soviet Experiment, you see, was for Hobsbawm just the
latest expression of 'Enlightenment Values', a belief that it was possible to
create the world anew following an abstract blueprint. Those who are not
deluded understand the implications of this – the death of millions. More
human beings have been destroyed by Communism and ‘Enlightenment Values’ than
by any other force in history. And there never was, never could be, a
happy outcome, only a mountain of skulls that would have made even Tamerlane
blanch. Not Hobsbawm.
I have the deepest contempt for this man’s legacy, for the
malign impact he has had on the intellectual life of this country, for the way
in which his minions and fellow travellers have been allowed to corrupt so much
of the media establishment, particularly the BBC, an organisation that has
become a national disgrace. It is indeed a matter of concern, as Michael
Burleigh noted in the Telegraph, that such dubious figures have been given
licence to dominate the soft culture of the BBC and so many universities.
I return to George Orwell, specifically to his essay on
Charles Dickens, which concludes with the following observation;
When one reads any strongly individual piece of writing, one
has the impression of seeing a face somewhere behind the page. It is not
necessarily the actual face of the writer. I feel this very strongly with
Swift, with Defoe, with Fielding, Stendhal, Thackeray, Flaubert, though in
several cases I do not know what these people looked like and do not want to
know. What one sees is the face that the writer ought to have. Well,
in the case of Dickens I see a face that is not quite the face of Dickens's
photographs, though it resembles it. It is the face of a man of about forty,
with a small beard and a high colour. He is laughing, with a touch of anger in
his laughter, but no triumph, no malignity. It is the face of a man who is
always fighting against something, but who fights in the open and is not
frightened, the face of a man who is generously angry — in other
words, of a nineteenth-century liberal, a free intelligence, a type hated with
equal hatred by all the smelly little orthodoxies which are now contending for
our souls.
Smelly little orthodoxy never let go of Hobsbawm’s
soul. I, too, see his face in his writing. There he is, smirking.
His eyes show it all. They show him to be mean-spirited,
unimaginative and small-minded. His is the face of a hypocrite and a liar. His
is the face of a twentieth century Communist, smelly and orthodox to the
end. He will be forgotten, his dishonest and derivative books
unread. He was bad rubbish. Good riddance.